Mediatization, polarization, and intolerance (between environments, media, and circulation)

Natalia Raimondo Anselmino 122 public anger and became a substrate for the marches through which the popular claim was conveyed. Image 2- Images of the first march Source: Author reworking from images taken from the Facebook 8 platform and the web. Although between August and November 2016, not fewer than nine citizen concentrations were registered in the city of Rosario; the case, as it has been delimited, is circum- scribed to only three, in particular; all of them with the follow- ing characteristics: 1. the call for them was made visible and initially cir- culated through platforms such as Facebook, Twit- ter, and WhatsApp 9 , and, therefore, they are mobili- zations in which the “mediated discursive exchang- es through platforms” (FERNÁNDEZ, 2018a, p. 14) played a central role; 2. they were organized by groups of relatives of vic- tims of insecurity; and 3. they were oriented to the general request for great- er “security and justice”, that is, they were not lim- ited to the claim for a particular crime 10 . The marches that comprise the #RosarioSangra case, then, are a total of three and were held on August 25, Septem- 8 For example, you c an see the following albumshared on Facebook by a photogra- pher fromRosario: https://www.facebook.com/pg/SebastianCriadoFotografia/ photos/?tab=albu m&album_id=1022436651207144 9 As noted in Raimo ndo Anselmino et al. (2018), the call for the first of the three marches takes time to reach the local press (both print and online). The visibility threshold (WOLF, 1987) of the event in the media begins with a note from the newspaper La Capital, three days after the first event appeared on Facebook. 10 It is worth clarifying, however, that, in the three marches, it was possible to observe the significant place occupied by the posters carried by the mobilized citizens, many of which alluded to the memory of a murdered relative or close friend.