Mediatization, polarization, and intolerance (between environments, media, and circulation)

Collectives, circulation of social discourses, and citizen mobilization: the case of #RosarioSangra 127 little, referring to the march scheduled for August 25, thus, be- ginning there the threshold of visibility of the phenomenon in the mass media. In general, it was the news that emphasized, par- ticularly the emotional state of citizens, that is, the emotions that had triggered the protest. In those first media discourses, phras- es such as “hot weather,” “fed up,” “we are tired,” “they claim not to know what else to do,” “no more”, and sentences of this style proliferated (RAIMONDO ANSELMINO et al., 2018). On the other hand, it should be noted that among those who promoted and organized the marches, a particular social group stood out, which was that of the relatives of victims of inse- curity. As Reviglio and Castro Rojas (in press) warn, the groups of relatives of victims of insecurity are not exceptional in the cur- rent public sphere and they become a relevant actor in studies on social movements, even becoming, for sociological thought (cf PITA, 2010), a particular type of political activist 12 . So much so that, for Jelin (2007), “familism” is one of the central criteria for legitimizing the public voice concerning crimes. According to Galar (2016), these are groups that tend to seek access to the media to become “legitimate interlocutors with the public pow- ers with a view to providing definitions of the problems” (p. 80). However, unlike the organicity assumed by groups such as Mothers or Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, the plurality of relatives of victims of violent crimes who gathered behind the slogan #RosarioSangra to create and carry out the marches, pro- moted slogans of great ideological heterogeneity, as dissimilar as the imposition of the death penalty, on the one hand, and the demand for “more education and fewer police officers,” on the other. What did they have, then, in common? What did lead, in this case, to collective action management? They were brought together by the experience of having lost a son, a father, a broth- er, in circumstances related to crime and the expression of pain and indignation at that loss; in other words, they were united by 12 As the authors recall, “the most salient antecedent of family collectives is made up of those linked to the crimes of the last military dictatorship: Relatives of Detained and Disappeared for Political Reasons, Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, the groups H.I.J.O.S. y Hermanos are ex- amples of familistic collectives that took and still retain a presence on the public scene in claiming crimes against humanity that the State committed against its citizens” (REVIGLIO; CASTRO ROJAS, in press, s/p).