Mediatization, polarization, and intolerance (between environments, media, and circulation)

Natalia Raimondo Anselmino 132 Image 8- Temporal distribution of tweets studied about the marches Retrieved from: Gindin et al. (2019). Second, in the discursive configuration of citizen mo - bilization by the media, a process of acting was observed (RAI- MONDO ANSELMINO et al., 2018) through which the subject of the action is the entire city, which becomes an entity arranged as a singular meta-collective . In this way, the media turned Ro- sario Sangra into an organization: for example, in the first note published by the newspaper La Capital , it is said that the march is being called “by the Rosario Sangra organization,” giving it the solidity of an institutional statute. Apparently, if there was no in- stitution to support the mobilization, the media should create it. Third, it is possible to see how the newspapers reiter- ated and reinforced the massive nature of the march, especially the first, to highlight its newsworthiness value. As expressed in Raimondo Anselmino et al. (2018), throughout the analyzed period, the five media re- iterate and reinforce their massive nature through evaluative adjectives that classify them as “mas- sive,” “multitudinous,” “overwhelming,” “nour- ished,” “gigantic,” “unprecedented,” “impressive,” and that tend to hyperbolization, a rhetorical pro- cedure that is not only present in reference to the number of people or summons, but also to the feel- ings conveyed by it: “desperate regret” (Rosario3), “Massive, imposing, shocking, and emotional” (La Capital) (p. 40).